Prediction Markets
One way to try to predict the upcoming 2020 presidential election is with a prediction market. For example, PredictIt has a contract that one can trade that attempts to predict which party will win the election. (Betfair has similar contracts, but with the price expressed differently.) If you want to bet that Democrats will win the election, you can buy one contract for 64 cents (all numbers in this article are as of July 3, 2020, and this “64” is an aggregate of prices from Betfair and PredictIt), and then if dems win, it pays off for $1, giving you a net gain of $0.36. If they lose, it doesn’t pay off for $0, giving you a net loss of $0.64. (Naturally in practice you may wish to trade at a larger size, for example buying 100 contracts for $64.) We interpret this price as an “implied probability” of 64% that the Democrats will win the election.
The rationale for calling this price a probability is that it is the probability that makes buying or selling the contract at that price a “fair trade”, in the sense that the expected value of your profit (64% * $0.36 + 36% * -$0.64) is zero. There are many reasons to either take this probability seriously or not, but I would argue to at least give some credence to it. Prediction markets reflect the opinions of people who are putting their money where their mouths are; people who, on average, in the long run, have done well in prediction markets.
PredictIt and Betfair also have contracts for the result of the election in each state. For example, PredictIt is currently predicting that Democrats will win Mississippi, Texas, Florida, and New Mexico with probabilities of 10%, 35%, 61%, and 92% respectively. The table below shows the implied probabilities for the states that are between 20% and 80%. This brings us to our central question: Are these state-by-state probabilities “consistent with” the overall probability of 64%? Or, what assumptions do you need to make to make them consistent? The remainder of this post tries to answer these questions.
| State | Electoral Votes | Probability Blue |
| New Hampshire | 4 | 78% |
| Michigan | 16 | 76% |
| Pennsylvania | 20 | 70% |
| Wisconsin | 10 | 69% |
| Arizona | 11 | 64% |
| Florida | 29 | 61% |
| North Carolina | 15 | 58% |
| Georgia | 16 | 46% |
| Ohio | 18 | 45% |
| Iowa | 6 | 42% |
| Texas | 38 | 35% |
Combining State Probabilities
One thing you could do to try to answer this question is to assume that all of the states are independent. Independence allows you to multiply probabilities when you make combinations, so that the probability of Florida and Texas both voting for Democrats would be 35% * 61% = 21.35%. Independence is not a realistic assumption! Texas and Florida aren’t rolls of two unrelated weighted dice. Events that happen between now and the election will affect both results, not to mention the possibility of a systematic polling bias that misleads people in the same direction on multiple states.
Nevertheless, independence is a convenient, simple assumption, so let’s run with it for a second. If you start with the implied probabilities for each state, and assume independence, you get the following probability distribution over the number of electoral votes that Democrats win:

The point at the top of this curve says that, according to this probability distribution, the most likely number of electoral votes for Democrats to win is 330 with a probability of 1.14%. The total area under the curve is 1, and the amount of that to the right of the orange line is the chance that Democrats win the election: 96.0%.
Which brings us back to: independence is not a realistic assumption. On the opposite end of the spectrum, what if you assume perfect correlation? Well, you can’t actually assume perfect correlation, because different states have different probabilities. For example, the Florida and Texas results can’t be perfectly correlated, because Florida goes blue 61% of the time and Texas 35%. There is a difference of 26%, so there must be at least 26% of the time where Florida goes blue while Texas goes red. But what you can do is to assume the maximum possible correlation. This happens when the Texas blue scenarios are completely subsumed by the Florida blue scenarios. More generally, maximum correlation happens when a state can only go blue if all the states that are more likely to go blue also do so. (This implies the same thing is true for “red”.) Another way of thinking about this is to imagine that on election day a random number z is chosen, uniformly distributed from 0 to 1. Any state whose probability of going blue is less than z goes blue. This makes the states as correlated as possible, while still giving each of them the correct probability. Under this assumption, the probability distribution of total blue electoral votes looks very spiky, because when the states “fall in order”, there are just a handful of possible outcomes:

In this scenario, the “area under the curve” to the right of the orange line is 69%, not coincidentally equal to the chance of winning Wisconsin. In the maximum correlation scenario, the election comes down to the one swingiest state, which has been going back and forth between being Wisconsin or Pennsylvania.
Gaussian Copula
States are not completely uncorrelated but they’re definitely not perfectly correlated either. It’s certainly possible for Pennsylvania to go red while Florida goes blue, even if the other way around is more likely. So how do we model an arbitrary degree of correlation between 50 states?
Well, one way to do it is a Gaussian copula (not to be confused with a cupola!). This is a method that gained some notoriety as a method for pricing credit derivatives, specifically CDO tranches. Some people even blamed the 2008 credit crisis on it. Pricing CDO tranches is actually a lot like predicting the election, because in both cases you’re trying to predict whether or not the sum of a bunch of numbers will cross some threshold, where you know something about the probability distributions of the underlying numbers. (Which, in the case of corporate CDOs, come from CDS prices. But who cares about credit derivatives; let’s get back to math and politics.)
The way the Gaussian copula works for elections is that we have a variable that represents how well the election went for Republicans in each state, say wPA, wFL, etc., and we declare by fiat that these variables are all normally distributed (a.k.a. Gaussian) with mean zero and variance one. The reason we do this is because we know how to specify a distribution over 50 variables such that each one’s marginal distribution is standard normal and each pair has the same correlation, which we’ll call ρ.
I’ll explain how we do that below, but first, once we have these w’s, how do we convert them back into election results? Take wPA as an example. Since we want Pennsylvania to vote blue exactly 70% of the time, and we know that wPA follows a standard normal distribution, we take the 70th percentile of the standard normal distribution (0.52), and say that Pennsylvania votes blue if wPA is less than that threshold. This threshold function is called Φ-1, where Φ is the standard normal CDF. So in general, the ith state votes blue whenever wi < Φ-1(pi), where pi is the probability that that state is supposed to vote blue.
How do we specify 50 standard normal w’s that all have pairwise correlation ρ? This is done by making one variable, z, and 50 variables xi, which are 51 independent standard normals, and then making wi a linear combination of z and xi. Events that affect all the states are represented by z, which becomes the source of the correlation, and the uncertainty specific to state i (the idiosyncratic effects) are represented by xi. The linear combination needs to turn standard normals into standard normals, and it needs to make the correlation between wi and wj equal to ρ. This can be done as follows:
Note that since Var(z) and Var(xi) are both 1, this equation implies that Var(wi) = 1. Additionally for i≠j, E[wiwj] = ρ. Since both variables have means of 0 and standard deviations of 1, this means that Corr(wi, wj) = ρ.
To summarize, for a given correlation ρ, to generate a sample from the distribution of state election results, we generate z and all of the xi‘s, as independent standard normals, we use the above equation to calculate all of the wi‘s, and then we say that state i voted blue if wi < Φ-1(pi), where pi is the probability that state i is supposed to vote blue.
Results
Above, we showed the distribution of blue electoral votes under correlations of zero and one. The graph below shows the same thing for correlations of 0, 0.25, 0.5, and 0.75. (The correlation of one is too spiky to show on the same graph.)

Note that two things change as the correlation gets higher. The distribution gets spikier, because when different states tend to vote the same way, certain specific possibilities for the state-by-state outcome become likely enough to be visible in the distribution. The other change is that the distribution gets wider. As the states become more correlated with each other, it becomes more likely that a landslide will occur in either direction, because it means that upsets in one state are likely joined by other upsets in the same direction.
Since the expected value of the number of blue electoral votes (331 based on this data) is unaffected by correlation and greater than the 270 needed to win the election, the wider distributions generally push more of the area under the curve to the left of the purple line, meaning that higher correlation makes it more likely for Republicans to win.
The relationship between correlations and the overall probability of the election result is as follows:

Aside from a little blip as correlations go from 0.99 to 1.0, this follows the predicted pattern where correlation is good for Republicans. This brings us back to our original question: Is the prediction market consistent with the markets for the individual states? The answer appears to be that it really isn’t. The implied probability for Democrats winning the election is about 64%. The lowest probability from the Gaussian copula model occurs at a correlation of 0.99, and it gives a 68.0% probability of Democrats winning. That is, there’s no correlation that gives you a probability for Democrats winning that’s as low as what’s predicted. Furthermore, the correlations that come closest are > 0.95, which seems unreasonably high. The next section discusses a few possibilities for what might be going on here.
Analysis
I can think of a few reasons that this might be happening. They are discussed below in order of increasing interestingness.
Market Structure Effects
Real markets don’t just have one price for each instrument; they have a bid price and an ask price, which provide a range of possible values for the “true price”. My state-by-state probabilities are based on PredictIt’s front-page values (which I think are based on the last trade price). Additionally, prediction markets like Betfair and PredictIt typically have some fee structure that can cause prices to be off from implied probabilities by about 1%.
I don’t think these effects are especially large or relevant here. For one, the headline state-by-state prices are relatively stable on PredictIt, and they are generally consistent with the bid-ask ranges on Betfair. The Betfair bid-ask on the overall election currently corresponds to an implied probability range of 62.9%-63.7%. And that range has been fairly consistently 3-5% lower than the lowest value for any correlation from the PredictIt state prices over the past couple of weeks.
The Market is Wrong
Maybe the market really is dislocated. Maybe the kinds of market participants that tend to bet on states tend to think bluish thoughts (or look at polls), and the ones that tend to bet on the overall election tend to think reddish thoughts (or think about 2016), and there just aren’t enough arbitrageurs to close the gap. This seems plausible to me, although I tend to believe that markets are more efficient than that.
Other Correlation Structures
Gaussian copula is a very blunt tool. It has one degree of freedom, which is the pairwise correlation between every pair of states. It’s undoubtedly wrong that those correlations are all the same, and a better model would incorporate information about demographics and geography to estimate a different correlation for each pair of states. I’m not going to do that, but I will provide some evidence that it’s hard for this to be the explanation for the difference between state and national prices.
First of all, is it even possible for a correlation structure to bring the national probability down from 68% to 64%? Definitely. One thing you could do if you really wanted to burn dems would be to make all of the solid red states highly correlated with each other and with the country as a whole, and make the solid blue states all uncorrelated with anything. If Mississippi’s 10% chance of going blue only happens when blue was going to win anyway, but Colorado’s 9% chance of going red happens totally randomly from anything else, that’s a big advantage to red, and I expect it could bring the overall election probability way lower than 64%.
Let’s play with this idea, but in a somewhat more fair way. I think in practice the extreme states are very correlated, so let’s assume they don’t matter and see what happens. In the following graph, the blue line is the original one from above with all 50 states in play. For the orange line, I’ve assumed that the six swing states NC, FL, AZ, PA, MI, and WI keep their implied probabilities, but everything else goes to 100% if it’s leaning blue or 0% if leaning red. This is equivalent to assuming the non-swing states are so correlated to the others that they only get upset if the whole election was going to go the other way anyway. (This also feels good if you balked at “Mississippi’s 10% chance if going blue” in the previous paragraph.) For the green line, we’ll go even further and say Republicans definitely win North Carolina, even though the implied probability of that is only 42%.

The fact that even the green curve doesn’t go below 68% really makes me think that there is no reasonable correlation structure that makes the state probabilities consistent with the national one.
Election Shenanigans
One final possibility is that the state and overall election results will not be consistent with each other. It’s plausible to me that the market is pricing in a 3-5% chance of something happening that would cause enough state contracts to get decided in Democrats’ favor that you would expect Democrats to win the election, but for some reason they still don’t. I’m definitely not an expert on these kinds of things, but for one, faithless electors would presumably be a way that this could happen. There’s also a scenario described in this Newsweek op ed that seems to me like it could cause a discrepancy between the state and national results.
Conclusion
The Gaussian copula can be used to put a correlation structure on a bunch of arbitrary probability distributions. When it’s used on the 2020 presidential election in each state, the “implied correlation” between the states is the correlation that makes the state implied probabilities consistent with the overall one. With today’s data, there is no implied correlation, which is weird. There are many possible explanations, but I think it at least points a finger at the possibility of election shenanigans. We might have a very interesting November to look forward to, although one could certainly argue that 2020 has been interesting enough already!





